Why fairy tales are really scary tales - IELTS Reading with Practice Test, Answers And Explanation
Luyện tập đề IELTS Reading Practice với passage Why fairy tales are really scary tales được lấy từ cuốn sách IELTS CAM Inspired 15 - Test 3 - Passage 3 với trải nghiệm thi IELTS trên máy và giải thích đáp án chi tiết bằng Linearthinking.
Why fairy tales are really scary tales - IELTS Reading with Practice Test, Answers And Explanation
❓ Câu hỏi (questions)
Question 1 - 5
Complete each sentence with the correct ending, A-F, below.
List of Endings
A
can be obtained through methods developed for the study of memory.
B
is the reason why the stories continue to be retold.
C
differ substantially from one retelling tradition to another.
D
concern dangers concealed within ordinary domestic surroundings.
E
were passed from one person to another through speech alone.
F
were formulated despite uncertainty about the historical evidence.
In different versions of the household tale, details of the plot
1
The researchers reject the idea that practical advice in fairy tales
2
Some explanations of how traditional tales survived
3
Information about the way fairy tales change
4
All the experimental stories used by the researchers
5
Question 6 - 10
Complete the summary using the list of words, A-I, below.
The transmission experiment
The researchers first established that sufficient existed among the experimental stories for them to be compared. They then examined which features underwent the fewest , since these were expected to contribute most strongly to continued transmission.
The results did not support the prediction that in general would remain more stable than roles, objects or settings. Nor did the climactic part of a story prove less changeable than its other sections. Details that appeared to provide useful were also frequently lost or replaced. The feature most consistently retained during repeated retelling was .
A
climax
B
actions
C
instruction
D
connections
E
accounts
F
alterations
G
terror
H
roles
I
pattern
Question 11 - 14
Choose the correct letter, A, B, C or D.
11
What method did the researchers use to investigate the transmission of fairy tales?
A
They measured whether spoken versions preserved more information than written ones.
B
They asked successive participants to retell structurally similar stories.
C
They examined unrelated stories from several cultural traditions.
D
They compared changes in stories directly with changes in communication systems.
12
When discussing the experimental findings, the cultural historian suggests that
A
the researchers failed to consider historical changes in household authority.
B
frightening stories are sometimes dismissed because they appear too extreme.
C
the researchers place too much emphasis on particular descriptions of danger.
D
frightening material survives only when it also carries social meaning.
13
Why does the passage refer to versions involving an elderly traveller, siblings and a caretaker?
A
To show that the historian’s explanation is not applicable to every version
B
To suggest that conflict between age groups occurs in many societies
C
To demonstrate that all household tales express the same idea
D
To provide further support for the historian’s interpretation
14
What does the developmental psychologist believe about frightening fairy tales?
A
They provide a safe opportunity to practise responding to fear.
B
They are a form of entertainment that many listeners try to avoid.
C
They preserve social rules that remain constant across communities.
D
They may weaken people’s responses to danger outside the story.
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📖 Bài đọc (reading passage)
Why fairy tales are really scary tales?
A
A. In one version of an old household tale, a traveller reaches an isolated house after dark and is offered shelter on condition that one room remains unopened. Elsewhere, the same narrative begins with several siblings sent to recover an object from a deserted building. The entrance may be secured by a key, a spoken formula, a loose wall panel or nothing at all. Escape is equally unstable: the intruder may deceive the owner, receive help from an animal, signal to people outside or remain concealed until morning. What allows listeners to treat these markedly different accounts as instances of one tale is not immediately apparent.
B
One common explanation is that tales of this sort survive because they preserve useful rules. A listener may learn not to disobey a host, accept unidentified food or cross a forbidden boundary. The difficulty is that the directions vary sharply. One version rewards silence, another requires shouting for help, while a third makes delay rather than disobedience the fatal mistake. Preliminary studies of repeated retellings also indicated that practical advice was not unusually durable. Explanations based on its usefulness had nevertheless been proposed from historical collections whose evidential value was uncertain, since editors often simplified language, removed repetitions or made separate versions resemble one another. To examine transmission without this interference, researchers turned to a controlled method derived from studies of memory and communication.
C
The procedure, usually called serial reproduction, follows information as it passes from one person to the next. A participant hears a narrative once and retells it from memory; the new version is then given to another participant, who repeats the process. Omissions, substitutions and additions can therefore be traced across a chain rather than observed only in the final account. Applied to structurally comparable fairy tales, the method can reveal both the relationships that persist among retellings and the kinds of material least affected by repeated transmission.
D
For the experiment, several narratives were written around the same broad pattern: a visitor enters a secluded dwelling, violates a restriction, discovers a concealed threat and attempts to escape. Their wording, characters and settings were deliberately different. Every experimental version was transmitted by speech alone through successive participants, while a separate archive of earlier written retellings served only as background material. Initial coding showed that the narratives shared enough of the same underlying structure to be compared. Only then did the researchers examine what changed from one telling to the next.
E
The first prediction concerned action sequence. If some elements are essential to a story’s identity, the order of entering, disobeying, discovering and escaping might be expected to survive more reliably than the identity of the visitor, the object that opens the room or the location of the house. A low rate of change was therefore treated as evidence that a feature contributed strongly to continued transmission. Familiar human roles were also expected to be remembered more consistently than unusual objects or settings.
F
The results gave little support to either expectation. Actions as a class did not show an overall advantage over roles, objects or locations: participants sometimes preserved a minor descriptive feature while merging two major events or placing them in reverse order. A few strongly causal actions remained stable, particularly when removing one would make the escape impossible, but many others were freely rearranged. Nor was the climactic discovery protected from change. Material at that point proved no less flexible than the visitor’s arrival or the account of what happened after the escape.
G
The researchers next examined directions that seemed applicable beyond the story. Advice to wait until daylight, refuse food or remain outside a marked space appeared to offer obvious practical value. Yet these details were omitted, replaced or contradicted at much the same rate as descriptions of furniture, clothing and weather. Some survived within individual chains, but there was no systematic advantage for useful advice over decoration. The analysis therefore shifted from what listeners ought to remember to the material that repeatedly reappeared even after much of the surrounding narrative had been lost.
H
The clearest pattern in the transmission chains involved sensory threat. Blocked exits, hidden remains, breathing behind a wall and footsteps moving towards a closed room were retained more consistently than other material, even when their exact wording disappeared. One explanation is that such scenes recover attention after earlier parts of a retelling have become vague. A small surviving cue can be enough for the next teller to rebuild a coherent danger: a faint scraping sound may become knocking, clawing or a tool being dragged against a door, while the sense that something is approaching remains. The specific image changes, but the threat continues to organise the scene around it.
I
A cultural historian has objected that attention alone cannot explain why a tale lasts beyond a laboratory chain. Frightening scenes, on this view, persist because they express conflicts that matter socially. In many household tales, a dependent young person is placed under the authority of an older host and punished for resisting control. That pattern is common in some collections, but it is not indispensable. Other versions centre on an elderly traveller acting independently, a group of siblings with no adult guardian, or a caretaker who becomes the threatened person. In these cases, the danger remains while the proposed relationship between dependence and household authority has disappeared.
J
A developmental psychologist offers a broader interpretation. Social rules concerning obedience, hospitality and family rank differ across communities, whereas the tendency to direct attention towards possible danger is more stable. Fairy tales allow listeners to anticipate threat while remaining aware that no immediate action is required. The movement from alarm to escape or release may provide practice in shifting attention and recovering control, rather than teaching people to become fearless. On this account, frightening material is not an obstacle to a tale’s survival but one reason it remains memorable.
B. One common explanation is that tales of this sort survive because they preserve useful rules. A listener may learn not to disobey a host, accept unidentified food or cross a forbidden boundary. The difficulty is that the directions vary sharply. One version rewards silence, another requires shouting for help, while a third makes delay rather than disobedience the fatal mistake. Preliminary studies of repeated retellings also indicated that practical advice was not unusually durable. Explanations based on its usefulness had nevertheless been proposed from historical collections whose evidential value was uncertain, since editors often simplified language, removed repetitions or made separate versions resemble one another. To examine transmission without this interference, researchers turned to a controlled method derived from studies of memory and communication.
C. The procedure, usually called serial reproduction, follows information as it passes from one person to the next. A participant hears a narrative once and retells it from memory; the new version is then given to another participant, who repeats the process. Omissions, substitutions and additions can therefore be traced across a chain rather than observed only in the final account. Applied to structurally comparable fairy tales, the method can reveal both the relationships that persist among retellings and the kinds of material least affected by repeated transmission.
D. For the experiment, several narratives were written around the same broad pattern: a visitor enters a secluded dwelling, violates a restriction, discovers a concealed threat and attempts to escape. Their wording, characters and settings were deliberately different. Every experimental version was transmitted by speech alone through successive participants, while a separate archive of earlier written retellings served only as background material. Initial coding showed that the narratives shared enough of the same underlying structure to be compared. Only then did the researchers examine what changed from one telling to the next.
E. The first prediction concerned action sequence. If some elements are essential to a story’s identity, the order of entering, disobeying, discovering and escaping might be expected to survive more reliably than the identity of the visitor, the object that opens the room or the location of the house. A low rate of change was therefore treated as evidence that a feature contributed strongly to continued transmission. Familiar human roles were also expected to be remembered more consistently than unusual objects or settings.
F. The results gave little support to either expectation. Actions as a class did not show an overall advantage over roles, objects or locations: participants sometimes preserved a minor descriptive feature while merging two major events or placing them in reverse order. A few strongly causal actions remained stable, particularly when removing one would make the escape impossible, but many others were freely rearranged. Nor was the climactic discovery protected from change. Material at that point proved no less flexible than the visitor’s arrival or the account of what happened after the escape.
G. The researchers next examined directions that seemed applicable beyond the story. Advice to wait until daylight, refuse food or remain outside a marked space appeared to offer obvious practical value. Yet these details were omitted, replaced or contradicted at much the same rate as descriptions of furniture, clothing and weather. Some survived within individual chains, but there was no systematic advantage for useful advice over decoration. The analysis therefore shifted from what listeners ought to remember to the material that repeatedly reappeared even after much of the surrounding narrative had been lost.
H. The clearest pattern in the transmission chains involved sensory threat. Blocked exits, hidden remains, breathing behind a wall and footsteps moving towards a closed room were retained more consistently than other material, even when their exact wording disappeared. One explanation is that such scenes recover attention after earlier parts of a retelling have become vague. A small surviving cue can be enough for the next teller to rebuild a coherent danger: a faint scraping sound may become knocking, clawing or a tool being dragged against a door, while the sense that something is approaching remains. The specific image changes, but the threat continues to organise the scene around it.
I. A cultural historian has objected that attention alone cannot explain why a tale lasts beyond a laboratory chain. Frightening scenes, on this view, persist because they express conflicts that matter socially. In many household tales, a dependent young person is placed under the authority of an older host and punished for resisting control. That pattern is common in some collections, but it is not indispensable. Other versions centre on an elderly traveller acting independently, a group of siblings with no adult guardian, or a caretaker who becomes the threatened person. In these cases, the danger remains while the proposed relationship between dependence and household authority has disappeared.
J. A developmental psychologist offers a broader interpretation. Social rules concerning obedience, hospitality and family rank differ across communities, whereas the tendency to direct attention towards possible danger is more stable. Fairy tales allow listeners to anticipate threat while remaining aware that no immediate action is required. The movement from alarm to escape or release may provide practice in shifting attention and recovering control, rather than teaching people to become fearless. On this account, frightening material is not an obstacle to a tale’s survival but one reason it remains memorable.
