IELTS Real Reading Test 2026 - Q2 Test 5 with Practice Test, Answers And Explanation
Luyện tập đề IELTS Real Reading Test 2026 - Q2 Test 5 được lấy từ cuốn sách Real Test 2026 - Q2 với trải nghiệm thi IELTS trên máy và giải thích đáp án chi tiết bằng Linearthinking, kèm answer key và list từ vựng IELTS cần học trong bài đọc.
IELTS Real Reading Test 2026 - Q2 Test 5 with Practice Test, Answers And Explanation
Passage
❓ Câu hỏi passage 1
Question 1 - 6
Do the following statements agree with the information given in the Reading Passage?
TRUE if the statement agrees with the information
FALSE if the statement contradicts the information
NOT GIVEN if it is impossible to say what the writer thinks about this
1
Those who lived before the industrial era are considered to have similarities in sleep patterns with human beings of 10,000 years ago.
2
Apparatus researchers used was suitable for wet conditions.
3
The Hadza spent more time on bed than us.
4
Jerome Siegel opined that environment and culture have little effect on human’s sleep.
5
Hunter-gatherers use a word meaning “sleeplessness”.
6
Tribal subjects in the survey are highly respectful.
Question 7 - 13
Complete the sentences below.
Choose ONE WORD AND/OR A NUMBER from the passage for each answer.
7
Taking a nap might not be a common occurrence on cold days, but in
time.
8
Devices may be incapable of covering short
naps.
9
Despite the presence of
fires, it was not so bright at night.
10
Ancient human beings tended to be awake near to
.
11
This early habit was mainly connected with
temperature according to conclusions made by investigators.
12
Unlike Americans, these people were almost not prone to
insomnia.
13
Any hunter-gatherers are not
.
Passage
❓ Câu hỏi passage 2
Question 14 - 17
Reading Passage has nine paragraphs A-I
Which paragraph contains the following information?
Write the correct letter, A-I
14
the suggestion that people may need to adapt to a different quality of meat
15
a description of the way animals were fed in the past
16
a prediction in regard to human and farming
17
the potential consequences of a meat-free world for textile industries
Question 18 - 22
Complete the summary below.
Choose ONE WORD ONLY from the passage for each answer.
The Environmental Impact of Farming
Agriculture causes significant harm to the environment in a number of ways, including the frequent use of in modern farming and the cutting down of trees. It is also responsible for the production of many greenhouse gases, more so than all methods of put together. However, it is farming in particular that is most harmful. A meat-free diet would also mean less chemical pollution, specifically in the form of . If consumers cut out dairy and egg products as well as meat, the land currently required for crops would drop by an estimated 21 per cent. In the US, there is clear evidence that considerable occurs, although there is no information on this from other countries.
Question 23 - 26
Look at the following statements and the list of people below.
Match each statement with the correct person, A-E.
NB You may use any letter more than once
List of Findings
A
Alison Leach
B
Tara Garnett
C
Annette Pinner
D
Helmut Haberl
E
Walter Falcon
23
It is not possible to say that a vegetarian diet is right for everyone.
24
It may be economically preferable to farm animals in a confined space.
25
It does not make sense to give up meat without giving up dairy products too.
26
Some animals can be fed in a way that allows waste to be recycled.
Passage
❓ Câu hỏi passage 3
Question 27 - 29
Choose the correct letter, A, B, C or D.
Write the correct letter in boxes on your answer sheet.
27
Which of the following best summarises the writer's argument in the second paragraph?
A
Children are portrayed as adults see them.
B
Children are unable to write their own stories.
C
Adults fail to stimulate children's imaginations.
D
Adult literature is too difficult for children.
28
In the third paragraph, what does the writer say is the main interest of some people who study children's literature?
A
the quality of the writing
B
the imaginative content of stories
C
the instructive nature of children's books
D
the way children are written about in stories
29
The main point of the writer's argument in the fifth paragraph is to
A
demonstrate that academics consider computer games to be a logical extension of children's literature.
B
explore the impact of computers on the boundaries of children's literature.
C
illustrate that literature and computer games have different origins.
D
prove that children are using computers more than they are reading literature.
Question 30 - 34
Do the following statements agree with the information given in Reading Passage?
In following statements below, choose
YES if the statement agrees with the information
NO if the statement contradicts the information
NOT GIVEN if it is impossible to say what the writer thinks about this
30
Children tend to make a clear distinction between print literature and electronic media.
31
The study of children's literature at higher education institutions is restricted to one subject area.
32
Exploring children's perceptions of reading will assist parents to choose suitable books for children.
33
Adults may appreciate the appeal of illustrated stories better if they have more information on how children read.
34
Children should be asked what features they would like digital games to include.
Question 35 - 39
Complete each of the following statements with the best ending A-H from the box below.
List of Endings
A
accepting that literature exists in a variety of forms today.
B
verbalising the words in their heads.
C
discovering the reading techniques used by others.
D
the style of written stories changing over time.
E
the lack of some specific abilities.
F
a deeper knowledge of the intricacies of reading.
G
children teaching adults to play computer games.
H
creating a variety of images in their minds.
Young people's accounts of how they read lead to
35
The risk of solipsism is reduced by
36
Strong visualisers judge books on the basis that they are
37
Children's insights are important in
38
When adults read a book more easily than they play a digital game, it simply suggests
39
Question 40
Choose the correct letter, A, B, C or D.
Write the correct letter in boxes on your answer sheet.
40
What was the writer's main purpose in writing this article?
A
to evaluate how the process of reading fits into children's literature studies
B
to discuss the impact of the increasing commercial influence on children's literature studies
C
to review the challenges in the field of children's literature studies and suggest how to proceed
D
to provide arguments in favour of including computerised forms of media in children's literature studies
DOL IELTS Đình Lực
22/10/2026
📖 Bài đọc passage 1
Sleep Study on Modern-Day Hunter-Gatherer Dispels Popular Notions
Modern life’s sleep troubles – the chronic bleary-eyed state that many of us live in – have long been blamed on our industrial society. The city lights, long work hours, commutes, caffeine, the Internet. When talking about the miserable state of our ability to get enough rest, sleep researchers have had a tendency to hark back to a simpler time when humans were able to fully recharge by sleeping and waking to the rhythms of the sun. It turns out that may not be quite right. In fact, it now appears that our ancestors may not have been getting the doctor-recommended eight hours of sleep, either.
In an intriguing study published in Current Biology this week, researchers traveled to remote corners of the planet to scrutinize the sleep patterns of some of the world’s last remaining hunter-gatherers – the Hadza of Tanzania, the San of Namibia, and the Tsimane of Bolivia. Cut off from electricity, media and other distractions, these pre-industrial societies are thought to experience the same sort of natural sleep ancient humans enjoyed more than 10,000 years ago.
Located in a woodland-savannah habitat 2 degrees south of the equator, the Hadza gather their wild foods each day. The San are not migratory but interact very little with surrounding villages and live as hunter-gatherers. The Tsimane, who live close to the Maniqui River and thereby have to live with humid climate, are hunter horticulturalist. Using Actiwatch-2 devices, a medical-grade Fitbit hand-watch for sleep, researchers recorded the sleeping habits of 94 of these tribespeople and ended up collecting data representing 1,165 days.
What they found was a striking uniformity in their sleep patterns despite their geographic isolation. On average, all three groups sleep a little less than 6.5 hours a night, do not take naps and do not go to sleep when it gets dark. Like many of us, the Hadza, San and Tsimane spent more time in bed – from 6.9 to 8.5 hours – than they do actually sleeping. That computes to a sleep efficiency of between 81 to 86 percent – which is very similar to today’s industrial populations. Jerome Siegel, director of the University of California at Los Angeles’s Center for Sleep Research, and his colleagues explained that this suggests that sleep may not be environmental or cultural, but “central to the physiology of humans” living in the tropical latitudes where our species evolved.
“The short sleep in these populations challenges the belief that sleep has been greatly reduced in the ‘modern world’,” Siegel said. “This has important implications for the idea that we need to take sleeping pills because sleep has been reduced from its ‘natural level’ by the widespread use of electricity, TV, the Internet, and so on.”
The findings call into question the untold millions that have been spent on research that tries to get to the bottom of why “short” sleepers get only about six hours of sleep a night and the idea that lack of sleep may be a big reason that obesity, mood disorders and other physical and mental ailments have surged in recent decades. Scientists have long documented that people have a tendency to “crash” in energy in the midafternoon, and some have speculated that it is because we have managed to suppress some innate need for a siesta. The new study provides evidence this is unlikely. The data from the San in Namibia, for instance, shows no afternoon naps during 210 days of recording in the winter and 10 naps in 364 days in the summer.
The findings were similar for the other two tribes, suggesting that napping is not really a common thing among hunter-gatherers, either. At the high end, the researchers estimated that naps may have occurred on up to 7 percent of winter days and 22 percent of summer days. The researchers noted that the devices they were using were not great at picking up naps of short durations, so it is possible that some of the study subjects were taking short power naps of less than 15 minutes.
Another fascinating finding from the study had to do with the circadian rhythms related to sunlight. Instead of going to sleep right at dusk, the hunter-gatherers were sleeping an average of 2.5 and 4.4 hours after sunset – well after darkness had fallen. All three tribes had small fires going, but the light itself was much lower than you might get from your average 60-watt bulb. They did, however, have a tendency to wake up around sunrise – an hour before or after, depending on the season and the group. Siegel and his co-authors investigated this further by looking into the significance of ambient temperature and found that it may play a big role. The research showed that “sleep initiation occurred during the period of decreasing ambient temperature and that wake onset occurred near the nadir of the daily temperature rhythm”, they wrote.
It should be noted that the tribespeople studied are different from your average American in a number of respects. Importantly, very few of the hunter-gatherers suffer from chronic insomnia. There is not even a word for it in their languages. In interviews with the researchers conducted through interpreters, 1.5 to 2.5 percent of the study subjects said they had sleep onset or sleep maintenance problems more than once a year, which is far lower than the 10 to 30 percent documented in many countries today. Siegel suggested that this may mean that “mimicking aspects of the natural environment” may be effective in treating some sleep disorders.
The hunter-gatherers are also much healthier. Not a single one is obese, and the mean BMIs among the tribes were between 18.3 and 26.2, which is considered quite slim. They also tend to have lower blood pressure, better heart conditions and higher levels of physical fitness. Thus comes a critical question. If we cannot blame the lack of sleep as causing our obesity, mood disorders and the like, could it be that the reason we feel so unrested is because of poor health?
🔥 Đáp án & giải thích 1
1
True
Giải thích chi tiết
✅Step 1: Phân tích câu hỏi
Simplified: Those who lived before the industrial era are considered to have similarities in sleep patterns with human beings of 10,000 years ago .
Ý câu hỏi: Xã hội tiền công nghiệp = có kiểu ngủ tương tự con người cổ xưa cách đây hơn 10.000 năm.
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✅Step 2: Locate bằng chứng
Dựa vào các từ khoá before the industrial era, sleep patterns và 10,000 years ago, ta biết đây là câu liên quan:
“Cut off from electricity, media and other distractions, these pre-industrial societies are thought to experience the same sort of natural sleep ancient humans enjoyed more than 10,000 years ago.”
-------
✅Step 3: Đọc câu bằng chứng theo Linearthinking
Simplified: these pre-industrial societies are thought to experience the same sort of natural sleep (that) ancient humans enjoyed more than 10,000 years ago .
Ý của câu: Những xã hội tiền công nghiệp này được cho là ngủ theo kiểu giống với con người cổ xưa hơn 10.000 năm trước.
-------
✅Step 4: Compare meaning with meaning
Câu hỏi nói: Người sống trước thời kì công nghiệp được cho là có kiểu ngủ giống con người 10.000 năm trước.
Bài đọc nói: Các xã hội tiền công nghiệp được cho là trải qua cùng kiểu giấc ngủ tự nhiên mà con người cổ xưa đã có hơn 10.000 năm trước.
⇒ Như vậy: ý nghĩa trùng khớp với nhau.
✅ Đáp án: TRUE
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❌ Những đáp án “bẫy”:
False: dễ sai nếu học sinh thấy đoạn sau của bài nói nghiên cứu này “dispels popular notions” rồi nghĩ là bài đang phủ nhận hoàn toàn niềm tin về giấc ngủ tự nhiên thời xưa.
→ Nhưng ở chính câu bằng chứng này, tác giả vẫn nói rõ rằng các xã hội tiền công nghiệp được cho là có kiểu ngủ giống người cổ xưa. Câu hỏi chỉ kiểm tra đúng ý đó, không hỏi niềm tin này sau đó có bị điều chỉnh phần nào không.
Not Given: dễ sai nếu học sinh nghĩ bài không nói trực tiếp “similarities in sleep patterns”.
→ Thực ra bài có paraphrase rất rõ bằng cụm “the same sort of natural sleep”, tức là cùng loại/kiểu giấc ngủ. Đây chính là cách diễn đạt lại của “similarities in sleep patterns”.
A. A call for people to eat less meat to save the planet is growing louder, so if less is good, wouldn't none be better? To find out, let's imagine what would happen if the world eliminated meat, milk and eggs from its diet, then trace the effects. Last year, the world consumed 282 million tonnes of meat, 700 million tonnes of milk and 1.2 billion eggs. Environmentally speaking, this came at an enormous cost.
B
B.
Agriculture damages the environment. Take, for example, the felled forests and the widespread use of irrigation systems; it may surprise you to know that agriculture stores more greenhouse gases than all methods of transport put together. Livestock farming does the most damage. In part that is because most livestock eat grain that could be used to feed human populations, and farmers are forced to grow more than we would otherwise need to meet the demand. Altogether, if we switched to a vegan diet, meaning no meat, dairy or eggs, the land currently required for crops would drop by an estimated 21 per cent, about 3.4 million hectares, roughly the size of India.
C
One environmental impact that would also lessen through a reduction in animal farming would be nitrogen emitted from agricultural processes, which spread over both waterways and land. According to environmental scientist Alison Leach, if everyone eliminated dairy products and eggs, this kind of pollution would fall by 60 per cent. Livestock production has another serious environmental impact: by 2010, the US accounted for 55 per cent of erosion, mainly from forests being cut down to make way for grazing land. On top of this, half of all antibiotics manufactured are fed to animals as part of their normal diet, a practice creating resistant bacteria.
D
A meat-free world, then, would be greener in many ways. However, if everyone opted to give up meat, there would be significant costs too. For most of human history, stock grazed on land that wasn't suitable for ploughing, and in doing so they converted inedible grass into edible meat and milk. Even today, a flock of sheep or goats can be the most efficient way to get food from marginal land. In a world in which over a billion people do not have enough to eat, using this land for crop production would contribute to food insecurity.
E
In some parts of the world today, livestock such as chickens can subsist on leftovers and whatever they find. Tara Garnett, who heads the Food Climate Research Network at the University of Surrey, points out the use of the animals. By giving them your leftovers, she says, they deal with your rubbish, and you get meat. Garnett adds, though, that if this kind of approach were eventually adopted, it would require a major adjustment in food preference: people would have to get used to chicken, for example, with less fat.
F
Another downside to a meat-free world would be the disappearance of animal by-products. Such a world would have to replace the 11 million tonnes of leather and 2 million tonnes of wool that come annually from livestock farming and which are turned into clothing. Furthermore, even ardent vegetarians acknowledge that dairy products and meat may not be a good thing in poorer countries. "Whilst there's no doubt that considerable reduction of meat consumption would have an environmental benefit, we do have to be careful about saying it would be the best solution if the whole world were vegetarian," says Annette Pinner, chief executive of the UK Vegetarian Society. "For many of the world's poorest residents, animals may present their only realistic hope of an extra income, and a little animal protein can make a big difference to a marginal diet."
G
What if we decided on a no-meat but vegetarian diet, rather than a vegan diet? After all, milk and eggs are very efficient ways of producing animal calories. "It's difficult to switch to a no-meat-but-milk diet," says Helmut Haberl, a social ecologist at the University of Vienna. Dairy cows must calve every year to keep producing milk, and only half their offspring will be female. While many vegetarians make it a moral rule not to kill and eat the males, there is surely no practical reason to waste so much meat. Similar arguments apply to chickens kept for eggs.
H
So even though a meat-free world sounds good on paper, it is likely that any utopian future will have some animal products in it. The questions, then, are how much meat do we want, and how will we produce it? The answers depend on how you approach these questions. The most straightforward approach is to argue that the world will continue to want ever more meat. The United Nations' best guess is that by 2050 the world will need to more than double its production of meat, an increase that would be environmentally disastrous.
I
Under this scenario, the goal will have to be producing the most meat at the lowest environmental cost. According to Walter Falcon, an agricultural economist, this means no free-range cows and sheep in green fields. "If you're going to keep some livestock systems, I think the ones you'll want to keep are the intensive ones," he says. Of course, this does not take into account animal welfare; intensive farming usually means poor living conditions and the use of growth hormones.
🔥 Đáp án & giải thích 2
14
E
Giải thích chi tiết
✅ Step 1: Phân tích câu hỏi (Matching Information)
the suggestion that people may need to adapt to a different quality of meat.
⇒một lời gợi ý của câu hỏi là: đoạn văn phải có một lời gợi ý / nhận định rằng con người sẽ phải thay đổi thói quen hoặc sở thích ăn uống để chấp nhận thịt có đặc điểm khác đi so với bình thường.
Dự đoán thông tin cần tìm (SPECIFY)
Đoạn đúng có thể sẽ xuất hiện các ý như:
people would have to get used to ...
a change in food preference / taste
meat with a different texture / less fat / different quality
an adjustment in what people expect meat to be like
-------
✅ Step 2: Locate bằng chứng
Đoạn E có câu bằng chứng rất rõ:
Garnett adds, though, that if this kind of approach were eventually adopted , it would require a major adjustment in food preference : people would have to get used to chicken (...) with less fat.
Đây chính là đoạn nói rằng nếu áp dụng cách nuôi/give leftovers cho vật nuôi, thì con người sẽ phải làm quen với kiểu thịt khác trước, cụ thể là thịt gà ít mỡ hơn.
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✅ Step 3: Đối chiếu paraphrasing
the suggestion ⇔ Garnett adds, though
→ đây là một ý kiến / nhận định được đưa ra
people may need to adapt ⇔ people would have to get used to
→ get used to = thích nghi / làm quen
a different quality of meat ⇔ chicken ... with less fat
→ thịt gà ít mỡ hơn là một đặc điểm/chất lượng khác đi của thịt
adapt to a different quality of meat ⇔ a major adjustment in food preference
→ phải thay đổi khẩu vị / sở thích ăn uống để chấp nhận loại thịt có đặc điểm khác
⇒ Match rất chính xác với đoạn E.
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❌ Những đáp án “bẫy” dễ chọn nhầm
Bẫy đoạn F: Nếu skim/scan, học sinh có thể thấy đoạn F nói về meat và animal protein, nên dễ tưởng là đúng.
Nhưng đoạn F đang nói về:
vai trò kinh tế của vật nuôi
lợi ích dinh dưỡng ở các nước nghèo
animal products như leather, wool
→ Không có ý nào nói con người phải làm quen với một kiểu thịt có chất lượng khác đi.
Bẫy đoạn G: Đoạn G cũng nói về thịt, sữa, trứng và việc ăn chay, nên dễ bị chọn nhầm.
Nhưng đoạn này bàn về tính thực tiễn / đạo đức của chế độ không ăn thịt nhưng vẫn dùng sữa và trứng.
→ Nó không nói rằng con người cần thích nghi với một chất lượng thịt khác như “less fat”.
Who studies children's literature and what is it that they study? The answers to this question are complex and messy because of the many confounding factors that exist in this field.
Firstly, unlike literature for adults, children's literature is not generally written by its own readers. Adults write for children, and thus adult perceptions of what children are, and of what they could and should be, become woven into the literature.
Furthermore, some of those who study children's literature (and those who write certain kinds of children's books) are less interested in literary values than in the kinds of lessons it can teach—either in terms of creating better children or in terms of serving a particular curriculum. The issue of how a teacher can use a children's book is often contentious, but even outside the classroom, much material for children is still didactic.
Thirdly, while almost all literature is currently promoted within a strong commercial matrix, children's literature is often especially targeted for marketing initiatives. This fact means that readers are often recruited with a message that is negligibly literary and significantly oriented to ideas of consumption. Daniel Hade (2002) has raised useful questions about whether children's experience of reading is altered when their books are part of a larger marketing framework involving the movie, the game, and the toy of a popular children's book. How children perceive and respond to their stories in this new context is an important question.
It is also important to note that texts in an ever-increasing range of new media compete with print media for the attention of the child reader and create definitional issues for scholars. Does the term literature exclusively imply a verbal text? If not, where are the limits? Could a literary computer game ever be considered a work of literature? If not, what kind of attention should be paid to it, since children themselves undoubtedly perceive their print literature as part of a broader continuum? The internet provides one forum through which children now communicate with each other. (In 2003, the internet search engine Google listed 7,920,000 sites relating to the Harry Potter novels; even allowing for duplication and dead ends, that is a number with revolutionary implications.)
Finally, in the context of the higher education institutions where the formal study of children's literature is often located, at least three disciplinary frameworks (English, education, and librarianship) fragment the focus of scholarly study of children's literature. How is the value of the imaginative encounter with the work of literature sustained and honoured among such a welter of conflicting interests? One route through this maze is to ask the child readers for help. As David Lewis (2001) has perceptively noted, what children think of reading is not usually the same as what adults think, whether teachers or parents. As Lewis points out, children "sometimes see more and they often see differently". If those who study reading can explore children's perceptions as well as those of adults, their understanding of the nature of reading will be enhanced.
Lewis makes a further valid point when he adds that exploring children's perceptions is usually justified for educational reasons. It is true that a better understanding of how children read and how they learn to read is a prerequisite to improved approaches to teaching. However, it can also be argued, as Lewis rightly does, that when children's responses to literature are accessed and interpreted, they frequently lead to an understanding of how picture books appeal to children.
Young people's accounts of what and how they read also enable a more sophisticated description of many of the complex processes involved in reading. All descriptions of reading run the risk of solipsism: this is how I read, so this is what reading is for everyone. Asking other readers how they read, however, reduces that risk. For example, if I am a strong visualiser as I read, I may consider that visualisation is a key component of successful reading and I may judge books by their capacity to evoke a vivid visual response. Other readers, however, may help me to realise that not everyone reads with mental pictures. Some readers respond to the patterns of the words, "hearing" them inaudibly like a subliminal radio programme. Others respond to the patterns of feelings in the story, responding with an emotional connection. Talking to competent readers, of all ages, provides a better understanding of reading experiences.
Children's insights are even more important when it comes to understanding the significance of print literature as one aspect of literary culture. Too often adults assume that reading any book at all is a more worthwhile experience than playing a digital game of any kind. A humbler approach would include asking why the game appeals to the player. Many adults will probably never develop the automatic skills to process a game as readily as they can read a book. This does not indicate that a book is better, but that a particular set of skills is absent. Non-players must acknowledge that some fictional universes are thus closed to them, and a logical response would be to find someone who can guide them to the pleasures and challenges of the gaming world. Games need to be judged individually just as books do, and any evaluative framework needs to take this into account.
🔥 Đáp án & giải thích 3
27
A
Giải thích chi tiết
✅Phân tích câu hỏi:
Câu hỏi hỏi: ý chính / tóm tắt hay nhất của đoạn 2 là gì.
Cụm “best summarises” cho thấy đây là câu hỏi main idea, nên ta không bám 1-2 từ khoá rời rạc mà phải đọc cả đoạn theo Linearthinking để rút ý chính.
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✅Locate thông tin liên quan:
Câu hỏi hỏi thẳng về the second paragraph nên thông tin liên quan chính là toàn bộ đoạn 2:
“Firstly, unlike literature for adults, children's literature is not generally written by its own readers. Adults write for children, and thus adult perceptions of what children are, and of what they could and should be, become woven into the literature.”
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✅Đọc thông tin liên quan theo Linearthinking:
(1) Firstly, unlike literature for adults , children's literature is not generally written by its own readers .
(2) Adults write for children , and thus adult perceptions of what children are, and of what they could and should be become woven into the literature .
Lưu ý từ khó:
woven into = “được dệt / được lồng vào” → hiểu đơn giản là quan điểm của người lớn được đưa vào tác phẩm.
perceptions = “cách nhìn / nhận thức”.
Ý chính của đoạn:
Câu (1) nói văn học thiếu nhi không thường do chính trẻ em viết.
Câu (2) giải thích hệ quả: vì người lớn viết cho trẻ em, nên cách người lớn nhìn nhận trẻ em sẽ đi vào tác phẩm.
=> Ý chính đoạn này là: trẻ em trong văn học thiếu nhi thường được thể hiện qua lăng kính của người lớn.
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✅Chọn đáp án:
Đáp án đúng là A. Children are portrayed as adults see them.
Vì đây là cách tóm tắt đúng nhất cho ý:
“Adults write for children”
“adult perceptions ... become woven into the literature”
Tức là: hình ảnh trẻ em trong tác phẩm bị ảnh hưởng bởi cách người lớn nhìn trẻ em.
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❌ Những đáp án còn lại
B. Children are unable to write their own stories.
Nếu skim/scan, thấy câu “children's literature is not generally written by its own readers” thì rất dễ chọn nhầm B.
Nhưng đoạn không nói trẻ em không có khả năng viết. Nó chỉ nói rằng thể loại này thường không do chính độc giả của nó viết.
C. Adults fail to stimulate children's imaginations.
Đoạn không hề nói người lớn thất bại trong việc kích thích trí tưởng tượng của trẻ. Không có ý nào về imagination ở đây cả.
D. Adult literature is too difficult for children.
Đoạn có cụm “unlike literature for adults”, nên nếu chỉ nhìn từ khoá “adults” và “children” có thể bị nhiễu.
Nhưng tác giả không hề so sánh độ khó của văn học người lớn với trẻ em. Ý thật là so sánh ai là người viết / ai là người đọc.
Modern life’s sleep troubles – the chronic bleary-eyed state that many of us live in – have long been blamed on our industrial society. The city lights, long work hours, commutes, caffeine, the Internet. When talking about the miserable state of our ability to get enough rest, sleep researchers have had a tendency to hark back to a simpler time when humans were able to fully recharge by sleeping and waking to the rhythms of the sun. It turns out that may not be quite right. In fact, it now appears that our ancestors may not have been getting the doctor-recommended eight hours of sleep, either.
In an intriguing study published in Current Biology this week, researchers traveled to remote corners of the planet to scrutinize the sleep patterns of some of the world’s last remaining hunter-gatherers – the Hadza of Tanzania, the San of Namibia, and the Tsimane of Bolivia. Cut off from electricity, media and other distractions, these pre-industrial societies are thought to experience the same sort of natural sleep ancient humans enjoyed more than 10,000 years ago.
Located in a woodland-savannah habitat 2 degrees south of the equator, the Hadza gather their wild foods each day. The San are not migratory but interact very little with surrounding villages and live as hunter-gatherers. The Tsimane, who live close to the Maniqui River and thereby have to live with humid climate, are hunter horticulturalist. Using Actiwatch-2 devices, a medical-grade Fitbit hand-watch for sleep, researchers recorded the sleeping habits of 94 of these tribespeople and ended up collecting data representing 1,165 days.
What they found was a striking uniformity in their sleep patterns despite their geographic isolation. On average, all three groups sleep a little less than 6.5 hours a night, do not take naps and do not go to sleep when it gets dark. Like many of us, the Hadza, San and Tsimane spent more time in bed – from 6.9 to 8.5 hours – than they do actually sleeping. That computes to a sleep efficiency of between 81 to 86 percent – which is very similar to today’s industrial populations. Jerome Siegel, director of the University of California at Los Angeles’s Center for Sleep Research, and his colleagues explained that this suggests that sleep may not be environmental or cultural, but “central to the physiology of humans” living in the tropical latitudes where our species evolved.
“The short sleep in these populations challenges the belief that sleep has been greatly reduced in the ‘modern world’,” Siegel said. “This has important implications for the idea that we need to take sleeping pills because sleep has been reduced from its ‘natural level’ by the widespread use of electricity, TV, the Internet, and so on.”
The findings call into question the untold millions that have been spent on research that tries to get to the bottom of why “short” sleepers get only about six hours of sleep a night and the idea that lack of sleep may be a big reason that obesity, mood disorders and other physical and mental ailments have surged in recent decades. Scientists have long documented that people have a tendency to “crash” in energy in the midafternoon, and some have speculated that it is because we have managed to suppress some innate need for a siesta. The new study provides evidence this is unlikely. The data from the San in Namibia, for instance, shows no afternoon naps during 210 days of recording in the winter and 10 naps in 364 days in the summer.
The findings were similar for the other two tribes, suggesting that napping is not really a common thing among hunter-gatherers, either. At the high end, the researchers estimated that naps may have occurred on up to 7 percent of winter days and 22 percent of summer days. The researchers noted that the devices they were using were not great at picking up naps of short durations, so it is possible that some of the study subjects were taking short power naps of less than 15 minutes.
Another fascinating finding from the study had to do with the circadian rhythms related to sunlight. Instead of going to sleep right at dusk, the hunter-gatherers were sleeping an average of 2.5 and 4.4 hours after sunset – well after darkness had fallen. All three tribes had small fires going, but the light itself was much lower than you might get from your average 60-watt bulb. They did, however, have a tendency to wake up around sunrise – an hour before or after, depending on the season and the group. Siegel and his co-authors investigated this further by looking into the significance of ambient temperature and found that it may play a big role. The research showed that “sleep initiation occurred during the period of decreasing ambient temperature and that wake onset occurred near the nadir of the daily temperature rhythm”, they wrote.
It should be noted that the tribespeople studied are different from your average American in a number of respects. Importantly, very few of the hunter-gatherers suffer from chronic insomnia. There is not even a word for it in their languages. In interviews with the researchers conducted through interpreters, 1.5 to 2.5 percent of the study subjects said they had sleep onset or sleep maintenance problems more than once a year, which is far lower than the 10 to 30 percent documented in many countries today. Siegel suggested that this may mean that “mimicking aspects of the natural environment” may be effective in treating some sleep disorders.
The hunter-gatherers are also much healthier. Not a single one is obese, and the mean BMIs among the tribes were between 18.3 and 26.2, which is considered quite slim. They also tend to have lower blood pressure, better heart conditions and higher levels of physical fitness. Thus comes a critical question. If we cannot blame the lack of sleep as causing our obesity, mood disorders and the like, could it be that the reason we feel so unrested is because of poor health?
ancient humans enjoyed more than 10,000 years ago
False: dễ sai nếu học sinh thấy đoạn sau của bài nói nghiên cứu này “dispels popular notions” rồi nghĩ là bài đang phủ nhận hoàn toàn niềm tin về giấc ngủ tự nhiên thời xưa.
→ Nhưng ở chính câu bằng chứng này, tác giả vẫn nói rõ rằng các xã hội tiền công nghiệp được cho là có kiểu ngủ giống người cổ xưa. Câu hỏi chỉ kiểm tra đúng ý đó, không hỏi niềm tin này sau đó có bị điều chỉnh phần nào không.
Not Given: dễ sai nếu học sinh nghĩ bài không nói trực tiếp “similarities in sleep patterns”.
→ Thực ra bài có paraphrase rất rõ bằng cụm “the same sort of natural sleep”, tức là cùng loại/kiểu giấc ngủ. Đây chính là cách diễn đạt lại của “similarities in sleep patterns”.
Agriculture damages the environment. Take, for example, the felled forests and the widespread use of irrigation systems; it may surprise you to know that agriculture stores more greenhouse gases than all methods of transport put together. Livestock farming does the most damage. In part that is because most livestock eat grain that could be used to feed human populations, and farmers are forced to grow more than we would otherwise need to meet the demand. Altogether, if we switched to a vegan diet, meaning no meat, dairy or eggs, the land currently required for crops would drop by an estimated 21 per cent, about 3.4 million hectares, roughly the size of India.
C. One environmental impact that would also lessen through a reduction in animal farming would be nitrogen emitted from agricultural processes, which spread over both waterways and land. According to environmental scientist Alison Leach, if everyone eliminated dairy products and eggs, this kind of pollution would fall by 60 per cent. Livestock production has another serious environmental impact: by 2010, the US accounted for 55 per cent of erosion, mainly from forests being cut down to make way for grazing land. On top of this, half of all antibiotics manufactured are fed to animals as part of their normal diet, a practice creating resistant bacteria.
D. A meat-free world, then, would be greener in many ways. However, if everyone opted to give up meat, there would be significant costs too. For most of human history, stock grazed on land that wasn't suitable for ploughing, and in doing so they converted inedible grass into edible meat and milk. Even today, a flock of sheep or goats can be the most efficient way to get food from marginal land. In a world in which over a billion people do not have enough to eat, using this land for crop production would contribute to food insecurity.
E. In some parts of the world today, livestock such as chickens can subsist on leftovers and whatever they find. Tara Garnett, who heads the Food Climate Research Network at the University of Surrey, points out the use of the animals. By giving them your leftovers, she says, they deal with your rubbish, and you get meat. Garnett adds, though, that if this kind of approach were eventually adopted, it would require a major adjustment in food preference: people would have to get used to chicken, for example, with less fat.
F. Another downside to a meat-free world would be the disappearance of animal by-products. Such a world would have to replace the 11 million tonnes of leather and 2 million tonnes of wool that come annually from livestock farming and which are turned into clothing. Furthermore, even ardent vegetarians acknowledge that dairy products and meat may not be a good thing in poorer countries. "Whilst there's no doubt that considerable reduction of meat consumption would have an environmental benefit, we do have to be careful about saying it would be the best solution if the whole world were vegetarian," says Annette Pinner, chief executive of the UK Vegetarian Society. "For many of the world's poorest residents, animals may present their only realistic hope of an extra income, and a little animal protein can make a big difference to a marginal diet."
G. What if we decided on a no-meat but vegetarian diet, rather than a vegan diet? After all, milk and eggs are very efficient ways of producing animal calories. "It's difficult to switch to a no-meat-but-milk diet," says Helmut Haberl, a social ecologist at the University of Vienna. Dairy cows must calve every year to keep producing milk, and only half their offspring will be female. While many vegetarians make it a moral rule not to kill and eat the males, there is surely no practical reason to waste so much meat. Similar arguments apply to chickens kept for eggs.
H. So even though a meat-free world sounds good on paper, it is likely that any utopian future will have some animal products in it. The questions, then, are how much meat do we want, and how will we produce it? The answers depend on how you approach these questions. The most straightforward approach is to argue that the world will continue to want ever more meat. The United Nations' best guess is that by 2050 the world will need to more than double its production of meat, an increase that would be environmentally disastrous.
I. Under this scenario, the goal will have to be producing the most meat at the lowest environmental cost. According to Walter Falcon, an agricultural economist, this means no free-range cows and sheep in green fields. "If you're going to keep some livestock systems, I think the ones you'll want to keep are the intensive ones," he says. Of course, this does not take into account animal welfare; intensive farming usually means poor living conditions and the use of growth hormones.
may need to adapt
a different quality of meat
Garnett adds, though, that
if this kind of approach were eventually adopted
it would require a major adjustment in food preference
people
would have to get used to chicken (...) with less fat
the suggestion ⇔ Garnett adds, though
→ đây là một ý kiến / nhận định được đưa ra
people may need to adapt ⇔ people would have to get used to
→ get used to = thích nghi / làm quen
a different quality of meat ⇔ chicken ... with less fat
→ thịt gà ít mỡ hơn là một đặc điểm/chất lượng khác đi của thịt
adapt to a different quality of meat ⇔ a major adjustment in food preference
→ phải thay đổi khẩu vị / sở thích ăn uống để chấp nhận loại thịt có đặc điểm khác
Who studies children's literature and what is it that they study? The answers to this question are complex and messy because of the many confounding factors that exist in this field.
Firstly, unlike literature for adults, children's literature is not generally written by its own readers. Adults write for children, and thus adult perceptions of what children are, and of what they could and should be, become woven into the literature.
Furthermore, some of those who study children's literature (and those who write certain kinds of children's books) are less interested in literary values than in the kinds of lessons it can teach—either in terms of creating better children or in terms of serving a particular curriculum. The issue of how a teacher can use a children's book is often contentious, but even outside the classroom, much material for children is still didactic.
Thirdly, while almost all literature is currently promoted within a strong commercial matrix, children's literature is often especially targeted for marketing initiatives. This fact means that readers are often recruited with a message that is negligibly literary and significantly oriented to ideas of consumption. Daniel Hade (2002) has raised useful questions about whether children's experience of reading is altered when their books are part of a larger marketing framework involving the movie, the game, and the toy of a popular children's book. How children perceive and respond to their stories in this new context is an important question.
It is also important to note that texts in an ever-increasing range of new media compete with print media for the attention of the child reader and create definitional issues for scholars. Does the term literature exclusively imply a verbal text? If not, where are the limits? Could a literary computer game ever be considered a work of literature? If not, what kind of attention should be paid to it, since children themselves undoubtedly perceive their print literature as part of a broader continuum? The internet provides one forum through which children now communicate with each other. (In 2003, the internet search engine Google listed 7,920,000 sites relating to the Harry Potter novels; even allowing for duplication and dead ends, that is a number with revolutionary implications.)
Finally, in the context of the higher education institutions where the formal study of children's literature is often located, at least three disciplinary frameworks (English, education, and librarianship) fragment the focus of scholarly study of children's literature. How is the value of the imaginative encounter with the work of literature sustained and honoured among such a welter of conflicting interests? One route through this maze is to ask the child readers for help. As David Lewis (2001) has perceptively noted, what children think of reading is not usually the same as what adults think, whether teachers or parents. As Lewis points out, children "sometimes see more and they often see differently". If those who study reading can explore children's perceptions as well as those of adults, their understanding of the nature of reading will be enhanced.
Lewis makes a further valid point when he adds that exploring children's perceptions is usually justified for educational reasons. It is true that a better understanding of how children read and how they learn to read is a prerequisite to improved approaches to teaching. However, it can also be argued, as Lewis rightly does, that when children's responses to literature are accessed and interpreted, they frequently lead to an understanding of how picture books appeal to children.
Young people's accounts of what and how they read also enable a more sophisticated description of many of the complex processes involved in reading. All descriptions of reading run the risk of solipsism: this is how I read, so this is what reading is for everyone. Asking other readers how they read, however, reduces that risk. For example, if I am a strong visualiser as I read, I may consider that visualisation is a key component of successful reading and I may judge books by their capacity to evoke a vivid visual response. Other readers, however, may help me to realise that not everyone reads with mental pictures. Some readers respond to the patterns of the words, "hearing" them inaudibly like a subliminal radio programme. Others respond to the patterns of feelings in the story, responding with an emotional connection. Talking to competent readers, of all ages, provides a better understanding of reading experiences.
Children's insights are even more important when it comes to understanding the significance of print literature as one aspect of literary culture. Too often adults assume that reading any book at all is a more worthwhile experience than playing a digital game of any kind. A humbler approach would include asking why the game appeals to the player. Many adults will probably never develop the automatic skills to process a game as readily as they can read a book. This does not indicate that a book is better, but that a particular set of skills is absent. Non-players must acknowledge that some fictional universes are thus closed to them, and a logical response would be to find someone who can guide them to the pleasures and challenges of the gaming world. Games need to be judged individually just as books do, and any evaluative framework needs to take this into account.
adult perceptions of what children are, and of what they could and should be
become woven into the literature
Modern life’s sleep troubles – the chronic bleary-eyed state that many of us live in – have long been blamed on our industrial society. The city lights, long work hours, commutes, caffeine, the Internet. When talking about the miserable state of our ability to get enough rest, sleep researchers have had a tendency to hark back to a simpler time when humans were able to fully recharge by sleeping and waking to the rhythms of the sun. It turns out that may not be quite right. In fact, it now appears that our ancestors may not have been getting the doctor-recommended eight hours of sleep, either.
In an intriguing study published in Current Biology this week, researchers traveled to remote corners of the planet to scrutinize the sleep patterns of some of the world’s last remaining hunter-gatherers – the Hadza of Tanzania, the San of Namibia, and the Tsimane of Bolivia. Cut off from electricity, media and other distractions, these pre-industrial societies are thought to experience the same sort of natural sleep ancient humans enjoyed more than 10,000 years ago.
Located in a woodland-savannah habitat 2 degrees south of the equator, the Hadza gather their wild foods each day. The San are not migratory but interact very little with surrounding villages and live as hunter-gatherers. The Tsimane, who live close to the Maniqui River and thereby have to live with humid climate, are hunter horticulturalist. Using Actiwatch-2 devices, a medical-grade Fitbit hand-watch for sleep, researchers recorded the sleeping habits of 94 of these tribespeople and ended up collecting data representing 1,165 days.
What they found was a striking uniformity in their sleep patterns despite their geographic isolation. On average, all three groups sleep a little less than 6.5 hours a night, do not take naps and do not go to sleep when it gets dark. Like many of us, the Hadza, San and Tsimane spent more time in bed – from 6.9 to 8.5 hours – than they do actually sleeping. That computes to a sleep efficiency of between 81 to 86 percent – which is very similar to today’s industrial populations. Jerome Siegel, director of the University of California at Los Angeles’s Center for Sleep Research, and his colleagues explained that this suggests that sleep may not be environmental or cultural, but “central to the physiology of humans” living in the tropical latitudes where our species evolved.
“The short sleep in these populations challenges the belief that sleep has been greatly reduced in the ‘modern world’,” Siegel said. “This has important implications for the idea that we need to take sleeping pills because sleep has been reduced from its ‘natural level’ by the widespread use of electricity, TV, the Internet, and so on.”
The findings call into question the untold millions that have been spent on research that tries to get to the bottom of why “short” sleepers get only about six hours of sleep a night and the idea that lack of sleep may be a big reason that obesity, mood disorders and other physical and mental ailments have surged in recent decades. Scientists have long documented that people have a tendency to “crash” in energy in the midafternoon, and some have speculated that it is because we have managed to suppress some innate need for a siesta. The new study provides evidence this is unlikely. The data from the San in Namibia, for instance, shows no afternoon naps during 210 days of recording in the winter and 10 naps in 364 days in the summer.
The findings were similar for the other two tribes, suggesting that napping is not really a common thing among hunter-gatherers, either. At the high end, the researchers estimated that naps may have occurred on up to 7 percent of winter days and 22 percent of summer days. The researchers noted that the devices they were using were not great at picking up naps of short durations, so it is possible that some of the study subjects were taking short power naps of less than 15 minutes.
Another fascinating finding from the study had to do with the circadian rhythms related to sunlight. Instead of going to sleep right at dusk, the hunter-gatherers were sleeping an average of 2.5 and 4.4 hours after sunset – well after darkness had fallen. All three tribes had small fires going, but the light itself was much lower than you might get from your average 60-watt bulb. They did, however, have a tendency to wake up around sunrise – an hour before or after, depending on the season and the group. Siegel and his co-authors investigated this further by looking into the significance of ambient temperature and found that it may play a big role. The research showed that “sleep initiation occurred during the period of decreasing ambient temperature and that wake onset occurred near the nadir of the daily temperature rhythm”, they wrote.
It should be noted that the tribespeople studied are different from your average American in a number of respects. Importantly, very few of the hunter-gatherers suffer from chronic insomnia. There is not even a word for it in their languages. In interviews with the researchers conducted through interpreters, 1.5 to 2.5 percent of the study subjects said they had sleep onset or sleep maintenance problems more than once a year, which is far lower than the 10 to 30 percent documented in many countries today. Siegel suggested that this may mean that “mimicking aspects of the natural environment” may be effective in treating some sleep disorders.
The hunter-gatherers are also much healthier. Not a single one is obese, and the mean BMIs among the tribes were between 18.3 and 26.2, which is considered quite slim. They also tend to have lower blood pressure, better heart conditions and higher levels of physical fitness. Thus comes a critical question. If we cannot blame the lack of sleep as causing our obesity, mood disorders and the like, could it be that the reason we feel so unrested is because of poor health?
